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Gay pride madrid parade

Gay Pride Parade for Saturday, July 7 - Madrid Forum - TripAdvisor

Porque el 28J sigue siendo un día de denuncia, reivindicación y lucha de todas aquellas disidencias de género, sexuales, afectivas y relacionales, seguimos trabajando por un orgullo inclusivo, no mercantilizado, ni mercantilizable, ni consumible. Gritamos para denunciar la utilización capitalista y heteropatriarcal de nuestras disidencias, y cuestionamos un modelo como el de Chueca, donde el dinero y el ocio se venden como referentes de nuestra liberación.

Agenda de Ocio, ed. Archivado desde el original el 8 de agosto de Consultado el 30 de junio de Consultado el 28 de julio de Consultado el 5 de marzo de Consultado el 4 de julio de Consultado el 8 de junio de El País. El Mundo. La Voz Libre. Faro de Vigo. Maldonado, Lorena 1 de julio de actualización.


  • Destacamos.
  • Orgullo2014CibelesAlcala_1435152277.505.jpg.
  • Madrid Gay Pride 12222.

Metrópoli El Mundo. El Periódico. Diario ABC. Por un Orgullo crítico, anticapitalista y feminista. Consultado el 7 de julio de Memes Feministas.

Fuerteventura desfiló el pasado fin de semana en la manifestación del World Pride Madrid

Consultado el 22 de mayo de Orgullo Crítico. Consultado el 4 de junio de Categoría oculta: Wikipedia:Artículos con datos por trasladar a Wikidata. In Barcelona, the demonstration on June 28 th gathered 5 people. There are not many texts to refer to on Gay pride parades, as it is an incipient field of studies; albeit, we do have texts that partially approach issues related to these festivities.

The bulk of texts on Pride study it from the perspective of tourism Johnston, ; Murray, ; Puar et al. Lesbians and gays have been frequently represented as the pioneers of gentrification Knopp, ; Lauria and Knopp, and model citizens for consumption Bell and Binnie, While some authors criticize the commercialization of LGTB struggles Bell and Binnie, ; Duggan, , others such as Hoggart and Woltersdorff cited in Binnie, offer a more ambivalent perspective regarding the relation between LGTB policy and neoliberalism. Among the effects of such relation one finds that of exclusion of determined LGTB sectors, as a consequence of the prevalence of consumption Zukin, ; Peñaloza and Venkatesh, ; Binnie, The construction of a LGTB market niche generally excludes lesbians and poor people, thereby it is heavily intersected by gender and class.

This standardized or politically correct gay is a prevailing figure in the Pride parade and opposes to the primeval sexual liberation.

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Markwell also pays attention to how LGTB identities can be included by means of tourism and marketing into the cities, and how such inclusion is linked to a very narrow construction of a gay identity that excludes those who do not identify with the commercial sphere. We also have to bear in mind that the conversion of gays and lesbian into a market niche makes them citizens in equal conditions through consumerist practices Chasin, a. The articulation between neoliberalism, identity and protest is to be found in more general and generalized transformation processes of the cities into spaces for consumerism, leisure and entertainment.

Blidon 2 , for example, considers it an urban coming-out mass phenomenon, whose subversive origin has been lost to the festivity. In Spain, some authors who have worked on gay activism and queer culture deal with aspects related to what we debate here. This work is based on an ethnographic research thereby qualitative started in Its central analysis units are Gay pride celebrations in Spain and their relation with public institutions, politics and enterprises , LGTB activism in Spain and the contemporary conceptualization of LGTB identities, understanding these three elements as closely linked.

The research is fundamentally centered on Madrid, owing to its importance, even though it has also been developed in Barcelona, Seville and Valencia.

In the participant observation of the parades, the recording, analysis and interpretation of data has been carried out keeping a field diary, recording the activity by means of visual photographs and audiovisual methods video proper to visual anthropology. The photographs taken during the parades have been, for their part, utilized in the interviews as a research method Collier and Collier, The observation is complemented with semi-structured in-depth interviews to informants selected by means of snowball sampling.

A total of 44 people were interviewed: LGTB activists, politicians, entrepreneurs and participants in the parades demonstrators and owners of floats. Digital ethnography has been an important source of information as well: as of there is tracking, classification and analysis of news on the web, digital newspapers and various blogs, forums and other digital sources detected by means of Google alerts in order to study the news, comments and opinions about these events. At present, digital data are unavoidable in the analysis of social reality.

However, selecting and organizing them implies a challenge in social research, due to their numbers: in this work we have resorted to information from he respondents and elements derived from the observation to undertake this selection task. This way, the data obtained through on-site ethnographic procedures have been the base to organize digital data.

The crossing between on-site and digital ethnographies, the analysis of specialized bibliography and face-to-face interviews with informants placed at various social spaces have favored a diffractive reading Mazzei, and data triangulation. Gay pride celebrations are a privileged space to analyze the tension between activism and market Sender, ; Chasin, a , and the tension between protest and party Debord, Locals in Chueca and hostellers in the city seem to be the most benefitted.

But it is the State demonstration where tensions between protest and business, which are the focus of this work, clearly emerge. In , the first sponsored float appeared, the one of Shangay Magazine directed by Alfonso Llopart. The participation of floats sponsored by enterprises overtly opposed to LGTB collectives is forbidden. Floats are classified in groups with differential participation fees.

Being classified in one or another group is not trivial: it affects the place for the parade and also conditions the fee the floats pay to COGAM between —fee A— and Euro —fee C— and which is destined for the organization of the event and other campaigns M. Brox 8.

Pride Parade Madrid

Over the years, the number of floats has varied: from 35 in to 18 in , 13 in or 28 in For me the float is also an act of visibility, pride is visibility and it is the assertion of dignity, and it is politics. Is it difficult? Have we sold out to the capital as the most radical claim? Regulations for participation are strict: publicity except for Fee C is limited and the float shall carry symbols related to the LGTB community and display the official slogan of the parade.

They should not look like floats in a horse ride:. It is reminded that the floats appear in the LGTB Pride State Demonstration, this way, it will be demanded that the decoration bears references to the topic rainbow flags, pink triangles, etc. These regulations are usually fulfilled at least regarding the slogan, as in only two floats did not exhibit it , even though floats, by and large, rather resemble ambulant discotheques with music, dancers, disguises and bright colors than assertive elements.

The presence of floats in the gay pride shows the centrality of consumerism in contemporary queer culture Valentine, and its role as identity backbone. If there is something everyone respects is money Mañana, Gays, to a larger extent than lesbians, transsexuals, and bisexuals, are still considered a segment with an important purchasing power.

There is a discourse we have to change. Large studies at tourism level, for example, always place the gay collective as DINK double income no kids , ok, perfect, but what happens? In Spain and in other countries, advanced legislations allow marriages, not only a couple, as he is my partner, she is my girlfriend, with thechildren they adopt, then this changes interview held in EAGAL seat, Madrid, February 4 th , In spite of this, the festive environment perceived on the street during the Pride parade which lasts between four and five hours and the varied numerous activities held in Madrid during these days have a great power as touristic assertion.

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Moreover, the separation between activism and business entrepreneurs shall be problematized and not only because of what has been exposed so far: most of the interviewed entrepreneurs that participate with a float in the parade stated they do as activists. Even though Alfonso Llopart, founder of Shangay magazine and promoter of the first float that paraded, declared:. If the first part of the parade disappeared, nothing would be lost, if the second disappeared there would be four again. None goes to the parade out of assertiveness… commoditized pride? Well yeah Interview in the seat of Shangay magazine, Madrid, February 28 th , These elements aspire to remember at all times that we witness a self-assertive act.

Even so, in the bosom of activism frequent are the debates on the limits of market and protests produced by a contested demonstration, but it also provides them with a powerful argumentation: that of visibility, mediated by its convening power. About four or five years later —the information received is not conclusive— it was proposed to turn such parade into a State Demonstration in which activist collectives from all over Spain participated. Not the only associations. Many entrepreneurs were and are activists, others not. Even though in many cases the impetus to create these associations has come from activism —to facilitate interlocution between these spheres that work close to one another not only in the Pride parade, but in other sensitization campaigns, information on HIV, among others—, the tensions between them are on the rise.

Intersections between activism assertion and authenticity of the Pride , business identities vs market niche and city branding do not allow easy solutions and question how we build nowadays identity categories and also which the present and future strategies and alliances of the grassroots identity social movements are and will be. Diverse are the questions stated: can activism and enterprise still be presented in dichotomous terms? Is it possible to conjugate assertion and market?

We gradually added wills in Madrid and not only LGTB, but men and women from all over Spain… So important have been the collectives in many parts of Spain and as the meeting places because while we fought we had to socialize… by the way, gay and lesbian entrepreneurs which for years put their shoulder to the wheel when there was not a single collective and it was the only place where you could socialize and in which the entrepreneurial intension was more activism than profitability. What is the problem?

Activism supported by SFLGTB thus advocates for the complex articulation between activism and entrepreneurship, and justifies it because it has produced a formula for assertiveness, that of demonstration in Madrid, whose success and turnover is unique, giving great visibility to the LGTB cause, at the same time that it equalizes visibility and social power Toni Poveda, SFLGTB former president. I lived the time when we were outsiders and 40 people went into the street.

We have surpassed it and many social movements are imitating the Pride model.